University of Sistan and BaluchestanJournal of Historical Researches of Iran and Islam2345-2099173320231222The re-creation of the royal virtues of Khwaja Nizam al-Mulk's Siyāsatnāmeh in works of historians of the Safavid Era (1136-907 A.H.).The re-creation of the royal virtues of Khwaja Nizam al-Mulk's Siyāsatnāmeh in works of historians of the Safavid Era (1136-907 A.H.).124808110.22111/jhr.2024.45293.3550FAHamidrezaAryanfarScientific staff of IranoAssistant Professor, Department of History, Culture and Civilization of Iran, Iranian Studies Foundation, logy Foundation,Journal Article20230811With the establishment of the Safavid government (907 A.H.), the historians of the era, in the new intellectual atmosphere and discourse, took on a task that historians had rarely addressed before. It was the task of applying the virtues of the king's ideal in Siyāsatnāmeh to legitimize the kings of their time. One of the main features of Siyāsatnāmeh or Siral-Muluks, one of the original areas of thought in the political thought of Iran during the Islamic era, especially in the Middle Ages, was political justification and legitimization and approval of the governments and kings of the era. According to the historical-political conditions of their appearance, these works had special characteristics and were written for the purpose of practical guidance of a certain emir or sultan. The present study seeks to find out which of the virtues of Shah Armani (Fazaeil Shahi) of Nizam al-Mulk's Siyāsatnāmeh, from the original sources of the design and transmission of Shah Armani's thought in the Middle Ages, have been used by the historians of the Safavid era to describe the king of their time. And what have been the goals of historians in paying attention to political works? The findings of the research show that the historians of this era, under the influence of Iranian intellectual traditions and historical contexts, in order to legitimize the Safavid sultans from virtues such as being chosen, creating security, creating happiness and good fortune, justice and justice, religiousness and supporting religion, politics and administration of affairs, they have used military knowledge and possessing good external qualities in a non-mandatory and attributive manner. The main goal of this research, which was written with a descriptive-analytical method and using the historical sources of the Safavid era, is to recreate the virtues of Shah Armani (Fazaeil Shahi), one of the most important policies of the Islamic era in the works of historians of the Safavid era.With the establishment of the Safavid government (907 A.H.), the historians of the era, in the new intellectual atmosphere and discourse, took on a task that historians had rarely addressed before. It was the task of applying the virtues of the king's ideal in Siyāsatnāmeh to legitimize the kings of their time. One of the main features of Siyāsatnāmeh or Siral-Muluks, one of the original areas of thought in the political thought of Iran during the Islamic era, especially in the Middle Ages, was political justification and legitimization and approval of the governments and kings of the era. According to the historical-political conditions of their appearance, these works had special characteristics and were written for the purpose of practical guidance of a certain emir or sultan. The present study seeks to find out which of the virtues of Shah Armani (Fazaeil Shahi) of Nizam al-Mulk's Siyāsatnāmeh, from the original sources of the design and transmission of Shah Armani's thought in the Middle Ages, have been used by the historians of the Safavid era to describe the king of their time. And what have been the goals of historians in paying attention to political works? The findings of the research show that the historians of this era, under the influence of Iranian intellectual traditions and historical contexts, in order to legitimize the Safavid sultans from virtues such as being chosen, creating security, creating happiness and good fortune, justice and justice, religiousness and supporting religion, politics and administration of affairs, they have used military knowledge and possessing good external qualities in a non-mandatory and attributive manner. The main goal of this research, which was written with a descriptive-analytical method and using the historical sources of the Safavid era, is to recreate the virtues of Shah Armani (Fazaeil Shahi), one of the most important policies of the Islamic era in the works of historians of the Safavid era.https://jhr.usb.ac.ir/article_8081_940c52646807e319908f5ce7b89235fd.pdfUniversity of Sistan and BaluchestanJournal of Historical Researches of Iran and Islam2345-2099173320240105The Role of the Mosque in spreading Shia education in the Safavid Era societyThe Role of the Mosque in spreading Shia education in the Safavid Era society2552779510.22111/jhr.2023.41783.3350FAJahanbakhshSavaghebLorestan UniversityJournal Article20230603The important action of Shah Ismail I (907-930 A.H.) in recognizing the Shia religion in Iran, and establishing a link between religion and politics in the Safavid government, played a major role in creating political unity and forming national and territorial identity.<br />After the formation of the government, the Safavids realized that they needed extensive cultural and civilizational measures to establish this religion in the society and institutionalize it.<br />These measures were made possible by utilizing the capacity of religious institutions and Shiite scholars. Safavid made extensive efforts for cultural and civil measures in line with the policy of Shiite of the society and stabilization of the position of this religion.<br />By building mosques as a religious base that had the task of promoting Shia belief and jurisprudence in society, and by rebuilding Shia shrines and Imamzadeh mosque, the Safavids were able to institutionalize and expand Shi’ism in Iranian culture and expand mosques and build religious buildings. The purpose of this article is to investigate the role of the mosque in disseminating Shia education in the Iranian society of the Safavid era, in a descriptive-analytical way. The findings of the research have shown that during the Safavid era, with the expansion of the tradition of building mosques and rebuilding and reforming previous mosques, this religious base was used favorably with the help of Shia scholars in promoting and disseminating Shia knowledge in the society.The important action of Shah Ismail I (907-930 A.H.) in recognizing the Shia religion in Iran, and establishing a link between religion and politics in the Safavid government, played a major role in creating political unity and forming national and territorial identity.<br />After the formation of the government, the Safavids realized that they needed extensive cultural and civilizational measures to establish this religion in the society and institutionalize it.<br />These measures were made possible by utilizing the capacity of religious institutions and Shiite scholars. Safavid made extensive efforts for cultural and civil measures in line with the policy of Shiite of the society and stabilization of the position of this religion.<br />By building mosques as a religious base that had the task of promoting Shia belief and jurisprudence in society, and by rebuilding Shia shrines and Imamzadeh mosque, the Safavids were able to institutionalize and expand Shi’ism in Iranian culture and expand mosques and build religious buildings. The purpose of this article is to investigate the role of the mosque in disseminating Shia education in the Iranian society of the Safavid era, in a descriptive-analytical way. The findings of the research have shown that during the Safavid era, with the expansion of the tradition of building mosques and rebuilding and reforming previous mosques, this religious base was used favorably with the help of Shia scholars in promoting and disseminating Shia knowledge in the society.https://jhr.usb.ac.ir/article_7795_1325a32cd8b6e3bcc84f2a8784c9dcaf.pdfUniversity of Sistan and BaluchestanJournal of Historical Researches of Iran and Islam2345-2099173320240105Analysis of the content of the agreement prohibiting the sale of slaves between Iran and England in the Persian Gulf region (11 Rabi al-Thani 1299/2 March 1882. AD)Analysis of the content of the agreement prohibiting the sale of slaves between Iran and England in the Persian Gulf region (11 Rabi al-Thani 1299/2 March 1882. AD)5374829910.22111/jhr.2021.34079.2765FAHamidHajian PourAssociate Professor, Department of History, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, Shiraz University, FarsAliBahranipourAssociate Professor, Department of History, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, Shahid Chamran University, Ahvaz, Khuzestan,Seyyedeh ZahraZareiPhD in Iranian Islamic History, Faculty of Literature and Human Sciences, Shiraz University, Fars, Iran.Journal Article20230625Various historical events in the history of Europe became the grounds for the emergence of anti-slavery thoughts and the signing of such treaties, which are not included in this article. However, the "Agreement between Iran and England regarding the cessation of the slave trade" was signed on 11 Rabi al-Thani 1299, equal to 2 March 1882, by Mirza Saeed Khan, the foreign minister of Iran at the time, and Ronald Thomson, the British consul in Tehran, which is the subject of this research. The document's text is written in four pages and four chapters. In appearance, this decree shows two equal governments. But from the comparison of the two English and Persian versions of this treaty, it is possible to come across significant differences this article aims to find these differences with the analytical-descriptive method with the content analysis approach. The findings of the research indicate that the difference in the tone of the two versions of the contract is the result of the mistake or intentionality of the translator or anonymous translators; As the Persian version shows a more moderate tone and a more equal relationship between the two courts of Iran and England. But its English text shows a colonialist and British superiority-seeking approach towards Iran. Therefore, this document should be counted among the British colonial documents and privileges from Iran.Various historical events in the history of Europe became the grounds for the emergence of anti-slavery thoughts and the signing of such treaties, which are not included in this article. However, the "Agreement between Iran and England regarding the cessation of the slave trade" was signed on 11 Rabi al-Thani 1299, equal to 2 March 1882, by Mirza Saeed Khan, the foreign minister of Iran at the time, and Ronald Thomson, the British consul in Tehran, which is the subject of this research. The document's text is written in four pages and four chapters. In appearance, this decree shows two equal governments. But from the comparison of the two English and Persian versions of this treaty, it is possible to come across significant differences this article aims to find these differences with the analytical-descriptive method with the content analysis approach. The findings of the research indicate that the difference in the tone of the two versions of the contract is the result of the mistake or intentionality of the translator or anonymous translators; As the Persian version shows a more moderate tone and a more equal relationship between the two courts of Iran and England. But its English text shows a colonialist and British superiority-seeking approach towards Iran. Therefore, this document should be counted among the British colonial documents and privileges from Iran.https://jhr.usb.ac.ir/article_8299_dbbf37d8da530fc7d8fdfbf870b818c7.pdfUniversity of Sistan and BaluchestanJournal of Historical Researches of Iran and Islam2345-2099173320240105The Legal challenges of the status of religious minorities in the five periods of the National Consultative Assembly, From Denial to RecognitionThe Legal challenges of the status of religious minorities in the five periods of the National Consultative Assembly, From Denial to Recognition75106841110.22111/jhr.2023.45723.3566FAHorabadi FarahaniAtefeh.PhD Student of Iranian Islamic History, Department of History, Faculty of Literature, Alzahra University,SiminFasihiAssociate Professor, Department of History, Faculty of Literature, Alzahra
University. Tehran.Iran.Journal Article20230824The Iranian constitutional movement catalyzed profound changes, culminating in the establishment of the National Assembly. As per the eighth provision of the constitutional amendment, all Iranians including recognized religious minorities such as Zoroastrians, Christians, and Jews were deemed equal under the law. This enabled them to appoint parliamentary representatives to voice their desires and secure their rights. This study seeks to delve into a central query using a historical-analytical approach and referencing parliamentary proceedings and extant documents: following the advent of the constitutional system and the creation of the parliament, how did religious minorities navigate their path to equal rights, and what obstacles confronted them? Our findings reveal a varied journey for these minorities in securing rights. Armenians notably pushed for parity with Muslims in electoral rights and sought suffrage for Christian women, but these demands found limited traction in the parliament. In contrast, Zoroastrians successfully entrenched their presence in the parliament by joining commissions and committees. Prioritizing legal equality, they secured memberships in provincial associations, and at times, Zoroastrian representatives viewed themselves more as representatives of the entire Iranian nation rather than just their minority group. The Jewish community encountered heightened challenges, predominantly stemming from internal divisions. Nonetheless, they proposed initiatives such as freedom of business, exemption for Jewish women from the general prohibition on female suffrage, and spotlighting Jewish concerns in the Majlis to reclaim some Jewish rights. Ultimately, the principle of equality under the law met with substantial challenges, leading to minorities being recognized not as integral components of the Iranian nation but as distinct communities.The Iranian constitutional movement catalyzed profound changes, culminating in the establishment of the National Assembly. As per the eighth provision of the constitutional amendment, all Iranians including recognized religious minorities such as Zoroastrians, Christians, and Jews were deemed equal under the law. This enabled them to appoint parliamentary representatives to voice their desires and secure their rights. This study seeks to delve into a central query using a historical-analytical approach and referencing parliamentary proceedings and extant documents: following the advent of the constitutional system and the creation of the parliament, how did religious minorities navigate their path to equal rights, and what obstacles confronted them? Our findings reveal a varied journey for these minorities in securing rights. Armenians notably pushed for parity with Muslims in electoral rights and sought suffrage for Christian women, but these demands found limited traction in the parliament. In contrast, Zoroastrians successfully entrenched their presence in the parliament by joining commissions and committees. Prioritizing legal equality, they secured memberships in provincial associations, and at times, Zoroastrian representatives viewed themselves more as representatives of the entire Iranian nation rather than just their minority group. The Jewish community encountered heightened challenges, predominantly stemming from internal divisions. Nonetheless, they proposed initiatives such as freedom of business, exemption for Jewish women from the general prohibition on female suffrage, and spotlighting Jewish concerns in the Majlis to reclaim some Jewish rights. Ultimately, the principle of equality under the law met with substantial challenges, leading to minorities being recognized not as integral components of the Iranian nation but as distinct communities.https://jhr.usb.ac.ir/article_8411_d72fa36a8ad95b668adbd58fa792a496.pdfUniversity of Sistan and BaluchestanJournal of Historical Researches of Iran and Islam2345-2099173320240105Explanation and Analysis of the position of court women on the rock reliefs and coins related to Bahram II (276-293 B.C)Explanation and Analysis of the position of court women on the rock reliefs and coins related to Bahram II (276-293 B.C)107126832210.22111/jhr.2023.45578.3562FAParvinDavariPh.D. Student of Ancient History of Iran, Department of History, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, University of Isfahan.MahmoudrezaKoohkanAssistant professor, Department of History, Faculty of Social Sciences, Payame Noor University, Tehran, IranEsmaeilSangariiAssociate Professor,Department of History, Faculty of Literature and Humanities,University of IsfahanJournal Article20230808Bahrām II was crowned as the fifth Sasanian king in 276 A.D. When he came to the power and crowned in the court, like his ancestor, Ardaxšīr Bābakān, he tried to depict his victories over the enemies and also his crowning on the rock reliefs in order to legitimize his kingship and stabilize his power. Among Bahrām II archeological and artistic works, his rock reliefs and coins are very various and prominent, compared to his ancestors which shows a change. Also, among Sasanian kings, women’s presence in Bahram II rock reliefs is more seen than any other Sasanian king, especially in his coins. Based on written evidences and in a descriptive-analytical way, the current research aims to analyze the position of women in the reliefs and coins of Bahram II. Based on the written and archaeological evidences, the widespread presence of women in the coins and reliefs of Bahram II -compared with his predecessors- can be attributed to the special status of some court women and their empowerment during the reign of Bahram II.Bahrām II was crowned as the fifth Sasanian king in 276 A.D. When he came to the power and crowned in the court, like his ancestor, Ardaxšīr Bābakān, he tried to depict his victories over the enemies and also his crowning on the rock reliefs in order to legitimize his kingship and stabilize his power. Among Bahrām II archeological and artistic works, his rock reliefs and coins are very various and prominent, compared to his ancestors which shows a change. Also, among Sasanian kings, women’s presence in Bahram II rock reliefs is more seen than any other Sasanian king, especially in his coins. Based on written evidences and in a descriptive-analytical way, the current research aims to analyze the position of women in the reliefs and coins of Bahram II. Based on the written and archaeological evidences, the widespread presence of women in the coins and reliefs of Bahram II -compared with his predecessors- can be attributed to the special status of some court women and their empowerment during the reign of Bahram II.https://jhr.usb.ac.ir/article_8322_66ec3e486e9d04d34769ac46f46989da.pdfUniversity of Sistan and BaluchestanJournal of Historical Researches of Iran and Islam2345-2099173320240105Why the opponents and supporters of the national oil movement pay attention to tribe Boyer AhmadWhy the opponents and supporters of the national oil movement pay attention to tribe Boyer Ahmad127148793810.22111/jhr.2023.43611.3453FAMohammad MehdiRoshanfekrAssistant professor of the Islamic Studies Department of Yasouj University, Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad.Iran.RezaMoeini RoudbaliAssistant Professor at the Department of Theology and Islamic Studies of Farhangian University,Tehran;IranJournal Article20230901The Nationalization of the Iranian oil industry Movement is one of the most important events in Iran's history. The proximity and in some cases the presence of the Boyar Ahmadis in oil-rich areas and their military and family ability had caused them concern and attention from the British. were the realization of the national oil movement. In this way, the present study, relying on the descriptive-analytical method, tries to answer the question of what was the main reason for the attention of the opponents and supporters of the national oil movement to Boyer Ahmadi's tribe ؟ What actions and consequences did the supporters and the opponents of the national movement have brought Iran's oil to Boyer Ahmadi's tribe? The findings of the research show that the opponents of the oil nationalization movement under the leadership and guidance of the British have been able to create a gap in the unity of the supporters of the national movement by using their agents and by using different tactics, including the "Toluayan" incident, and the grounds for despair and Disillusionment with Mossadegh's government.The Nationalization of the Iranian oil industry Movement is one of the most important events in Iran's history. The proximity and in some cases the presence of the Boyar Ahmadis in oil-rich areas and their military and family ability had caused them concern and attention from the British. were the realization of the national oil movement. In this way, the present study, relying on the descriptive-analytical method, tries to answer the question of what was the main reason for the attention of the opponents and supporters of the national oil movement to Boyer Ahmadi's tribe ؟ What actions and consequences did the supporters and the opponents of the national movement have brought Iran's oil to Boyer Ahmadi's tribe? The findings of the research show that the opponents of the oil nationalization movement under the leadership and guidance of the British have been able to create a gap in the unity of the supporters of the national movement by using their agents and by using different tactics, including the "Toluayan" incident, and the grounds for despair and Disillusionment with Mossadegh's government.https://jhr.usb.ac.ir/article_7938_8cc42aac3a81c3ce7a5935cfb748ed50.pdfUniversity of Sistan and BaluchestanJournal of Historical Researches of Iran and Islam2345-2099173320240105The Role of the court of the local sultans of the eastern territory of the Abbasid Caliphate in the development of Tanjim (Astrology)The Role of the court of the local sultans of the eastern territory of the Abbasid Caliphate in the development of Tanjim (Astrology)149176784610.22111/jhr.2023.43915.3471FAFatemeZargariPhD in Islamic Iran university beheshti. tehran.iranJournal Article20230906The formation of independent and semi-independent governments, simultaneously with the weakness of the political structure of the caliphate and the decline of central supervision, caused extensive social and political changes, in addition to cultural changes Between the 3th and 8th centuries in areas of the Islamic world. <br /><br />At this time, the sultans' court became the center of migration of scholars and scientists. Astrologers, as predictors, found a strong and effective position in the court of sultans. "Astronomical tables" or "zijs" are some of the tools of astronomers that predict future events in the Medieval era. <br /><br />the main question of this article is_Considering the position of astrology in the political functions of the local sultans_what are the effects of their (local sultans) functions on the geographical distribution of astronomical tables between the 4th and 8th centuries, and how it has happened in that time period? historical method is used to describe and analysis data in this article.<br /><br />The findings of this article shows that between the 4th and 8th centuries, there was a change in the location of compilation of astronomical tables from Baghdad to other areas of Islamic territory, especially Iran and beyond the river. Also the construction of observatories in these areas, the writing of exacted zijs in the name of local rulers, and the writing of zijs in Persian language are some examples of the influences of the sultans.The formation of independent and semi-independent governments, simultaneously with the weakness of the political structure of the caliphate and the decline of central supervision, caused extensive social and political changes, in addition to cultural changes Between the 3th and 8th centuries in areas of the Islamic world. <br /><br />At this time, the sultans' court became the center of migration of scholars and scientists. Astrologers, as predictors, found a strong and effective position in the court of sultans. "Astronomical tables" or "zijs" are some of the tools of astronomers that predict future events in the Medieval era. <br /><br />the main question of this article is_Considering the position of astrology in the political functions of the local sultans_what are the effects of their (local sultans) functions on the geographical distribution of astronomical tables between the 4th and 8th centuries, and how it has happened in that time period? historical method is used to describe and analysis data in this article.<br /><br />The findings of this article shows that between the 4th and 8th centuries, there was a change in the location of compilation of astronomical tables from Baghdad to other areas of Islamic territory, especially Iran and beyond the river. Also the construction of observatories in these areas, the writing of exacted zijs in the name of local rulers, and the writing of zijs in Persian language are some examples of the influences of the sultans.https://jhr.usb.ac.ir/article_7846_cb0cef46bb96bb7fcae8293b4562139b.pdfUniversity of Sistan and BaluchestanJournal of Historical Researches of Iran and Islam2345-2099173320240105Analyzing the obstacles to the establishment of a stable Zaidiyyah government in Yemen by Abul-Fath Daylami (444 AH)Analyzing the obstacles to the establishment of a stable Zaidiyyah government in Yemen by Abul-Fath Daylami (444 AH)177196784410.22111/jhr.2023.43840.3466FAMohammad TaghiSazandegiResearcher and PhD in History and Islamic Civilization from Payam Noor UniversityJournal Article20230829Abu al-Fath al-Nasir al-Daylami, one of the descendants of Imam Hassan (A.S.) as Imam Zaidiyyah, revolted in Daylam, but for some reason, he migrated to Yemen and succeeded in inviting the people of Yemen to revolt in the year 430 of the lunar year. He conquered the cities of Saada and Sana'a and spread the Zaidi religion there. This research seeks to answer the question: What were the obstacles and challenges faced by Abu al-Fath al-Nasser al-Daylami to form a stable government based on the Zaidi Shia religion in Yemen? This article aims to evaluate the activities and actions of Abu al-Fath Daylami among the Yemeni tribes and to analyze and find the obstacles and problems of the formation of the Zaidiyya government. In this research, with a descriptive and analytical approach, using library sources, the political history of Zaidiyyah in Yemen will be investigated, during which the causes of the failure of Abu al-Fath's uprising will be analyzed. Investigations showed that Abu al-Fath as a Zaidi imam was able to start his call with the support of the Yemeni tribes and quickly capture Saada and Sana'a. Still, there were obstacles such as differences within the Zaidi between the emirs and rulers, numerous battles and the erosion of the military force, and lack of cohesion. Tribes and the emergence of Ismaili Sulayhides caused the defeat of Abu al-Fath's uprising.Abu al-Fath al-Nasir al-Daylami, one of the descendants of Imam Hassan (A.S.) as Imam Zaidiyyah, revolted in Daylam, but for some reason, he migrated to Yemen and succeeded in inviting the people of Yemen to revolt in the year 430 of the lunar year. He conquered the cities of Saada and Sana'a and spread the Zaidi religion there. This research seeks to answer the question: What were the obstacles and challenges faced by Abu al-Fath al-Nasser al-Daylami to form a stable government based on the Zaidi Shia religion in Yemen? This article aims to evaluate the activities and actions of Abu al-Fath Daylami among the Yemeni tribes and to analyze and find the obstacles and problems of the formation of the Zaidiyya government. In this research, with a descriptive and analytical approach, using library sources, the political history of Zaidiyyah in Yemen will be investigated, during which the causes of the failure of Abu al-Fath's uprising will be analyzed. Investigations showed that Abu al-Fath as a Zaidi imam was able to start his call with the support of the Yemeni tribes and quickly capture Saada and Sana'a. Still, there were obstacles such as differences within the Zaidi between the emirs and rulers, numerous battles and the erosion of the military force, and lack of cohesion. Tribes and the emergence of Ismaili Sulayhides caused the defeat of Abu al-Fath's uprising.https://jhr.usb.ac.ir/article_7844_f2d6a13d11b02a34b3e7221c107acc77.pdfUniversity of Sistan and BaluchestanJournal of Historical Researches of Iran and Islam2345-2099173320240105urbanization growth in the governorate of all ports and islands of the Persian Gulf (Bushehr) (1961-1976(urbanization growth in the governorate of all ports and islands of the Persian Gulf (Bushehr) (1961-1976(197222832310.22111/jhr.2023.42403.3388FAZeynabGhanbarynejadPhD. in History - Iranian Studies after Islam from Department of History, Faculty of Literature and Humanities Persian Gulf University, Bushehr,HjabibulahSaeediniaAssociate Professor, Department of History, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, Persian Gulf University, Bushehr.Iran.HamidAsadpourAssociate Professor, Department of History, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, Persian Gulf University, Bushehr.Iran.Journal Article20230825Urbanization is one of the most obvious manifestations of the evolution of human societies. The increasing expansion of urbanization and the increase in the number of cities and their quantitative and qualitative changes have been influenced by various factors such as industrialization, migration of villagers to cities, and social and cultural changes in different societies. From the 1320s onwards, when Iran underwent major political changes, the movement and internal movements in the country were also very noticeable. In the continuation of this process, at the beginning of the 1340s and with the implementation of social reforms by Mohammad Reza Shah, this movement became more intense in Iran, the obvious consequence of which was the expansion of cities and the development of urbanization in Iran. The question of this research is, what was the situation of the governorate of the ports and islands of the Persian Gulf (Bushehr) during the years 1340 to 1355 AH in terms of urban population and urbanization growth? And how did the number of its cities change quantitatively? The present research method is descriptive-analytical based on library and documentary sources and secondary analysis of population and housing census data in the target years. According to the research findings of the Governorate of the Persian Gulf Islands and Ports, which had the lowest rate of urbanization in the country in the years before 1340 A.H. it faced a high urbanization growth in the years after that. Bushehr, the centre of the governorate, received more than 50% of the internal immigrants of the province, and the expansion of the urban population in it caused the physical development of the city and the emergence of the phenomenon of marginalization in the city; However, due to the low population density, the number of its towns did not increase much during the years in question.Urbanization is one of the most obvious manifestations of the evolution of human societies. The increasing expansion of urbanization and the increase in the number of cities and their quantitative and qualitative changes have been influenced by various factors such as industrialization, migration of villagers to cities, and social and cultural changes in different societies. From the 1320s onwards, when Iran underwent major political changes, the movement and internal movements in the country were also very noticeable. In the continuation of this process, at the beginning of the 1340s and with the implementation of social reforms by Mohammad Reza Shah, this movement became more intense in Iran, the obvious consequence of which was the expansion of cities and the development of urbanization in Iran. The question of this research is, what was the situation of the governorate of the ports and islands of the Persian Gulf (Bushehr) during the years 1340 to 1355 AH in terms of urban population and urbanization growth? And how did the number of its cities change quantitatively? The present research method is descriptive-analytical based on library and documentary sources and secondary analysis of population and housing census data in the target years. According to the research findings of the Governorate of the Persian Gulf Islands and Ports, which had the lowest rate of urbanization in the country in the years before 1340 A.H. it faced a high urbanization growth in the years after that. Bushehr, the centre of the governorate, received more than 50% of the internal immigrants of the province, and the expansion of the urban population in it caused the physical development of the city and the emergence of the phenomenon of marginalization in the city; However, due to the low population density, the number of its towns did not increase much during the years in question.https://jhr.usb.ac.ir/article_8323_43d1ae91fd7180dc03d23563ed2c7a8b.pdfUniversity of Sistan and BaluchestanJournal of Historical Researches of Iran and Islam2345-2099173320240105The Main Goals of the Sassanids in the Implementation of the migration policy of defeated tribes and captivesThe Main Goals of the Sassanids in the Implementation of the migration policy of defeated tribes and captives223244779610.22111/jhr.2023.43718.3457FAHamidKavyanipooyaAssociate Professor, Department of Iranian Studies, Faculty of Humanities, Bu -Ali Sina University, Hamadan, IranJournal Article20230905One of the important measures common among rulers in the history of ancient Iran was to move rebellious tribes and prisoners of war from one region to another, a policy that was used many times in ancient Iran and during the time of the Sassanid rulers. Based on this, one of the important issues investigated in this research is to find out for what reasons and in pursuit of what important goals the Sassanians moved rebellious tribes, rebels and also captives. And what were the results of their forced resettlement?Therefore, in response to the aforementioned issues by examining written sources and studies based on historical texts and by using the method of historical research and descriptive-analytical approach, the results of the research are that by moving some ethnic groups from their original origin to other areas, problems arise. And the riots that these tribes and clans created in their original settlement for the government and the surrounding areas would disappear. On the other hand, in some cases, the Sassanids tried to "fix the shortage of manpower" and "change the composition of the population of the cities" with the policy of relocating some defeated tribes and also the prisoners they took in the wars, and of course to "take advantage of the power and The skills of captives" also witness some forced migrations during the Sassanid era. However, one of the main reasons for moving these people was to "defend the borders"; For this purpose, the Sassanians considered one of the most important and effective ways to defend the borders was the settlement of captives and warring and defeated (hostile) families in the border areas to defend the territory against the invaders.One of the important measures common among rulers in the history of ancient Iran was to move rebellious tribes and prisoners of war from one region to another, a policy that was used many times in ancient Iran and during the time of the Sassanid rulers. Based on this, one of the important issues investigated in this research is to find out for what reasons and in pursuit of what important goals the Sassanians moved rebellious tribes, rebels and also captives. And what were the results of their forced resettlement?Therefore, in response to the aforementioned issues by examining written sources and studies based on historical texts and by using the method of historical research and descriptive-analytical approach, the results of the research are that by moving some ethnic groups from their original origin to other areas, problems arise. And the riots that these tribes and clans created in their original settlement for the government and the surrounding areas would disappear. On the other hand, in some cases, the Sassanids tried to "fix the shortage of manpower" and "change the composition of the population of the cities" with the policy of relocating some defeated tribes and also the prisoners they took in the wars, and of course to "take advantage of the power and The skills of captives" also witness some forced migrations during the Sassanid era. However, one of the main reasons for moving these people was to "defend the borders"; For this purpose, the Sassanians considered one of the most important and effective ways to defend the borders was the settlement of captives and warring and defeated (hostile) families in the border areas to defend the territory against the invaders.https://jhr.usb.ac.ir/article_7796_8a50c8be9afda83ae87c0d48d026362c.pdfUniversity of Sistan and BaluchestanJournal of Historical Researches of Iran and Islam2345-2099173320240105The political crises of al-Sham in the 6th century with an emphasis on the role of the Nizari Ismailis led by Rashid Al-Din SinanThe political crises of al-Sham in the 6th century with an emphasis on the role of the Nizari Ismailis led by Rashid Al-Din Sinan245272778810.22111/jhr.2023.43372.3438FASommayehKoresh EbadiPhD student Department of History, Yadgar-e- Imam Khomeini(RAH), Shahre REY Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran.MahdiAnsariAssistant Professor, Department of , Yadgar-e- Imam Khomeini(RAH), Shahre REY Branch, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran.MahboubehSharafiAssociate Professor, Department of History, Faculty of Humanities, Islamic Azad University, Tehran Central Branch, Tehran, Iran.0000-0003-3471-2244Journal Article20230906For various reasons,<strong> </strong>the Nizaris (Arabic: النزاریون<strong>, </strong> al-Nizāriyyūn) had fundamental differences with the rulers of Syria, and the sixth century was the peak of their conflict with the rulers and supporters of the Abbasid Caliphate<strong>. </strong>These conflicts increased with the entry of Rashid ad-Din Sinan into the political arena, and as a result, during his leadership, the Nizarians gained impressive and even restraining power, but after his death and following the rise of the Ayyubid sultans they became the protectors and allies of the Sunni religion,the Abbasid caliphate and the control of the caliphs over the Levant decreased the military and strategic power of the NazaritesAlthough they continued to exist as a religious sect, but with the rise of the Ayyubids and Mamluks as supporters of the Abbasid Caliphate, the Sunni religion, the Ash'ari school, and enmity with the Fatimids of Egypt, turned enmity towards the Nazarites<strong> .</strong>The continuation of these conflicts brought political, social, religious, etc. crises<strong>.</strong>The Nizarians, who were a Shiite minority in the Sunni majority society, made many efforts to get out of this crisis<strong>.</strong>This research, relying on the historical method and referring to archival and library sources with a descriptive-analytical approach, aims to answer the question: What role did the Nizari Ismailis under the leadership of Rashid-uddin Sinan in the management of political crises in "Sham" (Syria)<strong>.</strong>The investigations showed that the set of these factors caused the divergence and conflict of the discourse thought of the Nizarians and the Seljuks, the Abbasids and the Ayyubid rulers. In the meantime, Rashiduddin Sinan designed and planned three strategies against the political developments of "Sham". First, reconciliation with the Ayyubids to increase the power of the Nasserites. Second, the mobilization of some missionary of da’wa in other Islamic lands, third, the reorganization of Ismaili missionary of da'wa in the fight against the opposition. With these actions, the theological and religious foundations of the Nasserites of Syria were strengthened and they were able to resist the Crusaders, Ayyubids and Abbasid caliphs.For various reasons,<strong> </strong>the Nizaris (Arabic: النزاریون<strong>, </strong> al-Nizāriyyūn) had fundamental differences with the rulers of Syria, and the sixth century was the peak of their conflict with the rulers and supporters of the Abbasid Caliphate<strong>. </strong>These conflicts increased with the entry of Rashid ad-Din Sinan into the political arena, and as a result, during his leadership, the Nizarians gained impressive and even restraining power, but after his death and following the rise of the Ayyubid sultans they became the protectors and allies of the Sunni religion,the Abbasid caliphate and the control of the caliphs over the Levant decreased the military and strategic power of the NazaritesAlthough they continued to exist as a religious sect, but with the rise of the Ayyubids and Mamluks as supporters of the Abbasid Caliphate, the Sunni religion, the Ash'ari school, and enmity with the Fatimids of Egypt, turned enmity towards the Nazarites<strong> .</strong>The continuation of these conflicts brought political, social, religious, etc. crises<strong>.</strong>The Nizarians, who were a Shiite minority in the Sunni majority society, made many efforts to get out of this crisis<strong>.</strong>This research, relying on the historical method and referring to archival and library sources with a descriptive-analytical approach, aims to answer the question: What role did the Nizari Ismailis under the leadership of Rashid-uddin Sinan in the management of political crises in "Sham" (Syria)<strong>.</strong>The investigations showed that the set of these factors caused the divergence and conflict of the discourse thought of the Nizarians and the Seljuks, the Abbasids and the Ayyubid rulers. In the meantime, Rashiduddin Sinan designed and planned three strategies against the political developments of "Sham". First, reconciliation with the Ayyubids to increase the power of the Nasserites. Second, the mobilization of some missionary of da’wa in other Islamic lands, third, the reorganization of Ismaili missionary of da'wa in the fight against the opposition. With these actions, the theological and religious foundations of the Nasserites of Syria were strengthened and they were able to resist the Crusaders, Ayyubids and Abbasid caliphs.https://jhr.usb.ac.ir/article_7788_7f62ff43b0475d26b1b1cf3921d65750.pdfUniversity of Sistan and BaluchestanJournal of Historical Researches of Iran and Islam2345-2099173320240105Transformations of Safavid Political Discourse; Moving between the Lines of Sufism, Monarchy and JurisprudenceTransformations of Safavid Political Discourse; Moving between the Lines of Sufism, Monarchy and Jurisprudence273298795010.22111/jhr.2023.44401.3510FASeyyed Mohammad VahabNazaryanResearcher and PhD in Political Sociology from the Department of Sociology, Faculty of Social Sciences, Allameh Tabatabai University, Tehran, Iran.Journal Article20230908The prevailing assumption about the discourse of the Safavids is the predominance of the Shiite religion and jurisprudence. However, the Safavid monarchy had Sufi roots and character, which were connected with Shiite jurisprudence after the establishment of their dynasty. Therefore, the Safavid Kings had three qualities: Sufi mentor, Iranian king, and Shia promoter, who invited Shia scholars to Iran and cooperated with them. The present research focuses on the interaction of those three elements and the nature of the Safavid discourse. The question is, what effects did the historical changes in the political and social position of the Safavids have on their political discourse? The main findings show that the discourse of the Safavids, from the very first days of its existence to the end of its era, was a multifaceted discourse that changed from a purely Sufi face to a royal discourse that kept the sub-discourse of Sufism in its heart and included the sub-discourse of jurisprudence in its established intellectual and political apparatus. Therefore, it seems that the prevailing notion of the dominance of jurisprudence discourse does not have full historical evidence.The prevailing assumption about the discourse of the Safavids is the predominance of the Shiite religion and jurisprudence. However, the Safavid monarchy had Sufi roots and character, which were connected with Shiite jurisprudence after the establishment of their dynasty. Therefore, the Safavid Kings had three qualities: Sufi mentor, Iranian king, and Shia promoter, who invited Shia scholars to Iran and cooperated with them. The present research focuses on the interaction of those three elements and the nature of the Safavid discourse. The question is, what effects did the historical changes in the political and social position of the Safavids have on their political discourse? The main findings show that the discourse of the Safavids, from the very first days of its existence to the end of its era, was a multifaceted discourse that changed from a purely Sufi face to a royal discourse that kept the sub-discourse of Sufism in its heart and included the sub-discourse of jurisprudence in its established intellectual and political apparatus. Therefore, it seems that the prevailing notion of the dominance of jurisprudence discourse does not have full historical evidence.https://jhr.usb.ac.ir/article_7950_6861cd4ae808cd39cab2fbc217b7bc40.pdf